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RANT ARCHIVE 1(BUSH):
http://billionairesforbush.com/index.php _______________________________________________________________________________
U.S. Civil Rights Commission Blasts Bush Administration Record
President Bush has "neither exhibited leadership on pressing civil
rights issues, nor taken actions that matched his words," according
to a new report analyzing the administration's civil rights record.
However, instead of focusing on the substance of the 166-page U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights (USCCR) report, attention has been directed
toward allegations that the report's release is politically... full
story | more
stories
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MR. President!....Mr.President!...I have a question...
Detailed Analysis of the October 7th Speech by Bush on Iraq www.accuracy.org/bush/
and
also see and hear www.webactive.com/pacifica/demnow/dn20030129.html
President Bush's February 26 Speech on the Future of Iraq: A Critique By Stephen Zunes March 7, 2003 http://www.presentdanger.org/commentary/2003/0303aeispeech.html
......let me check with my advisors
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QUESTION HIS AUTHORITY and LEARN ABOUT HIS STUPIDITY
Bushwatch
www.bushwatch.com
Citizens
for Legitimate Government 'expose the Bush coup d'etat'.
BUSHISM: www.bushisms.com/index1a.html#List
See the story (and screening dates) behind the thievery of the 2000 United States Presidential Election Coup: www.gregpalast.com/unprecedented.htm
Who
Dies for Bush Lies? www.whodies.com/ and put the case against war on
the "un-American" Draft-dodger also http://www.talion.com/suspension.html and http://www.furnitureforthepeople.com/awol.htm
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George W. Bush Resume http://www.furnitureforthepeople.com/freepress.htm It all started with an email exchange between a right-winger from my local newspaper, and of course the war with Iraq came up pretty quick. But he said something in defense of George Bush that really surprised me. In defense of the attack on Iraq he said 'between Hussein and Bush, Hussein is the bad guy'. My first response was ... So your guy is better than a third world dictator, Wow! what an accomplishment! Does he put that on his resume? And with that in mind, I started wondering ... what would a George W. Bush resume look like exactly? Listed below is what I came up with, Kelley Kramer http://www.furnitureforthepeople.com/freepress.htm
Past work
experience: Produced a Hollywood slasher B movie. Bought an oil company, but couldn't find any oil in Texas, company went bankrupt shortly after I sold all my stock. Bought the Texas Rangers baseball team in a sweetheart deal that took land using tax payer money. Biggest move: Traded Sammy Sosa to the Chicago White Sox. As governor of
Texas: Became president after losing the popular vote by over 500,000 votes, with the help of my fathers appointments to the Supreme Court.
At least one conviction for drunk driving in Maine (Texas driving record has been erased and is not available). AWOL from National Guard and Deserted the military during a time of war. Refused to take drug test or answer questions about drug use. All records of tenure as governor of Texas have been removed to George Bush Sr.'s library, sealed in secrecy and are un-available for public view. All records of any SEC investigations into insider trading or bankrupt companies are sealed in secrecy and un-available for public view. All minutes of meetings for any public corporation on which George W. Bush served on the board are sealed in secrecy and un-available for public view. Any records or minutes from meetings George W. Bush (or the vice-president) attended regarding public energy policy are sealed in secrecy and un-available for public review. Established the Carlyle Group to manage post-war revenues. Heading up the Carlyle Group is (surprise, surprise), George Bush Sr. and James Baker.
____________________________________________________________ Bush's Iran-Contra appointees are barely a story Scandal? What Scandal?
By Terry J. Allen Throughout the summer of 2001, the media were profligate with resources for the Chandra Levy story, excavating every corner of her and Rep. Gary Condit's past to unearth a prurient bounty of personal detail. That level of investigative vigor might have exposed far more vital information had it been applied to Bush's appointment of numerous Iran-Contra veterans to key posts. But with a few admirable exceptions, news stories about Elliot Abrams, John Negroponte and Otto Reich have largely relied on past reporting and he-said, she-said soundbites by the usual supporters and critics, rather than in-depth investigations into their complicity in one of the bloodiest scandals of the past 20 years. And their guilt is based not on speculation or gossip, but on hard evidence that they aided torturers and death squads, circumvented Congress and the Constitution, and deceived the American people. "President Bush," the Washington Post reported on March 25, "is quietly building the most conservative administration in modern times, surpassing even Ronald Reagan in the ideological commitment of his appointments, White House officials and prominent conservatives say." |
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It's not that Bush is whispering the names of nominees too softly for the press to hear. Rather, the reporting itself is, for the most part, quiet. Three nominations that should have raised a noisy clatter from the nation's presses are:
Iran-Contra redux Washington spent more than $4 billion on El Salvador in the ’80s, backing wildly brutal regimes and their death squads against a leftist insurgency. The 12-year civil war left 75,000 Salvadorans dead--overwhelmingly civilians killed by U.S.-supported forces. As Reagan's assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs, and later for inter-American affairs, Elliott Abrams, in his own words, "supervised U.S. policy in Latin America and the Caribbean" (Ethics and Public Policy Center). He helped cover up one of the worst atrocities of the war: a Salvadoran army massacre in El Mozote that left 800 to 1000 civilians dead. In Nicaragua, after the leftist Sandinistas overthrew the U.S.-supported dictator in 1979, Washington created and funded the Contras, a guerrilla army that concentrated its fire on civilians. The Reagan administration escalated the civil war after the leftist Sandinista party won an election endorsed as free and fair by international monitoring agencies. In a campaign to tarnish the Sandinistas and gild the Contras, Otto Reich's Office of Public Diplomacy pressured U.S. media and planted ghostwritten articles and editorials. The comptroller-general of the U.S., a Republican appointee, found that the OPD had violated a ban on domestic propaganda. Under Ambassador John Negroponte, neighboring Honduras grew so crammed with U.S. bases and weapons that it was dubbed the U.S.S. Honduras, as if it were simply an off-shore staging ground for the Contra war. While poverty raged, U.S. military aid jumped from $3.9 million in 1980 to $77.4 million by 1984. The Honduran army, especially the U.S.-trained Battalion 316, engaged in widespread human rights abuses, including kidnapping, torture and assassination. Negroponte worked closely with the perpetrators and covered up their crimes, according to Ambassador Jack Binns, his predecessor in the post (In These Times, 2/28/01). Spurred on by media reports and popular protests against U.S. intervention in Central America, Congress passed the Boland amendment, which cut off most military aid to the Contras. Undaunted, the Reagan administration circumvented Congress and popular outrage by waging a covert war and raising money for the Contras from private and foreign sources. One of the "neat ideas" Oliver North and his cronies concocted was to funnel profits to the Contras from the secret sale of U.S. arms to Iran--which was under embargo after seizing Americans as hostages. The discovery of this and other illegal schemes led to the Iran-Contra scandal, in which Negroponte, Abrams and Reich played key roles. Writing for history With the 1990s, aside from the occasional hurricane or bus plunge, the media spotlight shifted away from Central America. Still, a few investigative reports took advantage of new evidence and time-loosened tongues. Mark Danner revisited the El Mozote massacre for The New Yorker (12/6/93), documenting as well Washington's success in trashing the original reporting on the slaughter by Raymond Bonner and Alma Guillermopietro. In 1995, the Baltimore Sun undertook a months-long investigation into the U.S. role in Honduras, implicating Negroponte. Under editor John Carroll, Gary Cohn and Ginger Thompson reported (6/27/95) that members of the U.S.-trained Battalion 316 used "shock and suffocation devices in interrogations. Prisoners often were kept naked and, when no longer useful, killed and buried in unmarked graves." Cohn and Thompson showed that despite insistent denials, Negroponte had to have known. In his independent magazines The Consortium and iF, Bob Parry relentlessly investigated the period, while many reporters and scholars drew on the documentation accumulated by Tom Blanton and Peter Kornbluh at the National Security Archive. The importance of all this work is evidenced by how often it is cited--not always with credit--in reporting on the nominations of Abrams, Negroponte and Reich. Condensed soup reporting Investigations of the nominees, when they are served up at all, have been mostly condensed like canned soup into a bland palatable broth. A few op-eds, including one by Mary McGrory (Washington Post, 7/8/01), have been scathing, but added little new information. Some exceptional reports on Negroponte were notable for actually including investigative journalism. Los Angeles Times reporters Maggie Farley, Norman Kempster and T. Christian Miller--under the lead of editor John Carroll, who had moved from the Baltimore Sun--wrote a devastating exposé on the ambassador's role (5/7/01). They were the first journalists to note a possible connection between Negroponte's nomination and the deportation from the U.S. and Canada of several Hondurans connected to human rights abuses. The most notorious was Gen. Luis Alonso Discua Elvir, a founder of Battalion 316. The L.A. Times quoted unnamed officials who said that "the speed of his removal was unprecedented," and speculated that the desire to make Discua unavailable for testifying at Negroponte's confirmation hearings was a factor in his hasty deportation. Built on historical record and contemporary interviews, Sarah Wildman's March 19 piece for the New Republic was a well-documented refutation of Negroponte's claims of innocence. She concluded by characterizing the diplomat as having "not exactly the moral sensibility you want in a U.N. ambassador." The Baltimore Sun updated its 1995 investigation with a March 7 story bluntly describing Negroponte as "a retired career diplomat who helped conceal from Congress the murder, kidnapping and torture abuses of a CIA-equipped and -trained Honduran military unit." Most of the media have not been as diligent. For months after Negroponte's name was floated for U.N. ambassador, virtually the only mention of his Honduras record in the New York Times was a paragraph inside Jane Perlez's May 27 piece on how Sen. James Jefford's defection would impact Bush's foreign policy. Perlez noted "obstacles" to Negroponte's confirmation, "largely over his role as ambassador in Nicaragua [sic] in the Reagan administration, when he carried out the covert strategy to crush the leftist Sandinista government." As Ronald Reagan said after a 1982 trip to Latin America, "You'd be surprised. They're all individual countries" down there. The Times ran a correction (6/5/01). The Times eventually weighed in on June 14 with a front-page piece by Marc Lacey that reviewed Negroponte's career. Lacey often fell back on vague language and passive voice: "The Central Intelligence Agency several years ago found that serious rights violations in Honduras were not properly reported to Washington during Mr. Negroponte's tenure. Most of the report is blacked out, and the unclassified parts raise questions about Mr. Negroponte without providing answers." On August 1, the New York Times finally got around to addressing the reappearance of so many Iran-Contra figures in the administration. A piece by Christopher Marquis led with an insider description of some of the Iran-Contra cold warriors clustered at a party, smirking over the controversy their nominations have raised and dismissing concerns over their suitability as "the other side…still fighting the old battles." Like the Lacey article, Marquis's reporting added no substantive background information on the nominees or the policies they carried out. To its credit, the article explored the effect of the nominations might have on Latin America. Oddly, however, Marquis quoted only the opinions of U.S. officials and experts. As of the beginning of August, however, the Washington Post still hadn’t found it newsworthy that someone nominated for a U.N. ambassadorship has been accused of condoning and covering up human rights violations. With no apparent irony, both the Washington Post (5/13/01) and the New York Times (5/9/01) speculated that one reason the U.S. was knocked off the U.N. Human Rights Commission was that Negroponte's nomination had not been approved. As Extra! went to press, neither the Post nor the Times has mentioned Negroponte's connection to Battalion 316. The international edition of Time (5/21/01), but not the U.S. version, simply cited the Baltimore Sun and L.A. Times to illustrate that the nomination "has revived unsettling questions." NPR's Tom Gjelten (6/11/01) offered the vague and decorous assessment that "Negroponte's critics say he was so anxious to protect the Contras and their military allies in Honduras that he covered up human rights abuses there." Hope for war criminals News reporting on Elliott Abrams has been so sparse and pallid as to give hope to war criminals everywhere. Like Negroponte, Abrams maintains ignorance when not boasting that his policy was a "fabulous achievement" (Washington Post, 3/21/93). A few outlets have written strong editorials, particularly the Philadelphia Inquirer's scorched-earth description (7/11/01) of Abrams as a "deceitful, scheming coddler of Latin American tyrants," and "uncontrite peddler of lies." Most news stories, however, have simply noted the appointment and mentioned Abrams convictions for withholding evidence from Congress--as if he were a minor player haunted by sins of omission. They’ve ignored his cover-ups of the Salvadoran army's massacre at El Mozote and assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. Except for reporting in The Nation (7/2/01) and a piece by this reporter in In These Times (8/6/01), few publications have reprised Abrams' role in Iran-Contra. On February 8, 1982, Abrams told a Senate committee that the reports of hundreds of deaths at El Mozote "were not credible," and that "it appears to be an incident that is at least being significantly misused, at the very best, by the guerrillas." It's not as if hard evidence and gruesome details of Abrams' knowledge and culpability are difficult to find. The man was convicted in open hearings and remains brazenly unrepentant. He called his prosecutors "filthy bastards," the proceedings against him "Kafkaesque" and members of the Senate Intelligence Committee "pious clowns," according to an article in Legal Times (5/30/94). Raymond Bonner broke the story of the El Mozote massacre in the New York Times (1/27/82). The story also ran in the Washington Post (3/5/82). Post reporters Guy Gugliotta and Douglas Farah (3/21/93) further documented Abrams’ role in El Salvador in a 1993 story. That was then. This time around, Post’s news columns have barely mentioned the nomination or El Mozote. Aside from the August 1 overview article, the New York Times' coverage was confined to a 150-word piece (7/6/01) announcing the appointment, noting Abrams' run-in with Congress and describing him blandly as "a prominent figure in the Iran-Contra scandal of the 1980s." Perhaps the Times is still gun shy. After pressure from the State Department and attacks from other media, executive editor A.M. Rosenthal lost faith in Bonner’s original El Mozote reporting and ordered him back to the Metro desk. That kind of pressure on the media later became the specialty of Otto Reich, George W. Bush’s choice to be the top State Department official for Latin America. Mightier than the pen As head of the Reagan administration's Orwellian Office of Public Diplomacy, Reich ran "Operation 'White Propaganda.'" He and other OPD officials regularly showed up in newsrooms and editorial meetings to excoriate reporters and editors for unfavorable coverage and to slander insufficiently sympathetic reporters. The OPD planted stories and op-eds in the U.S. media that were ghostwritten by Reich's operatives or assigned to "independent" experts. Tainted articles ran in the Wall Street Journal, New York Times and Washington Post, among other outlets. His office also engaged in such dirty tricks as charging that reporters in Nicaragua were paid for their anti-U.S. coverage with the services of Sandinista-supplied prostitutes. Jason Vest's 7,000-word piece on the American Prospect website (5/25/01) offers the most extensive account of Reich's attempts to influence the U.S. media. Reich himself visited executives and reporters at CBS where, according to a 1984 memo from Secretary of State George Shultz to Ronald Reagan (In These Times, 4/16/01), he "privately and confidentially" influenced coverage of the Salvador war. "Everyone at CBS has been cordial and cooperative," the memo noted, adding that this example of OPD activities "has been repeated dozens of times over the past few months." Reich had help from his friends. According to a staff report by the House Foreign Affairs Committee (9/7/88), "senior CIA officials with backgrounds in covert operations, as well as military intelligence and psychological operations specialists from the Department of Defense, were deeply involved in establishing and participating in a domestic political and propaganda operation run through an obscure bureau in the Department of State which reported directly to the National Security Council rather than through the normal State Department channels." According to Eric Alterman in The Nation (5/7/01), old habits die hard. After the New York Times assigned Bonner to cover Reich's nomination, Reich tried to have the reporter taken off the story. The Times ran the March 8 article by Bonner and Christopher Marquis on page 6. Like Karen DeYoung's piece a month later (4/15/01) for the Washington Post, it devoted a few workmanlike paragraphs Reich's questionable activities as head of OPD. Both articles discussed the policy implications of appointing an anti-Castro ideologue and detailed potential conflicts of interest raised by Reich's lobbying for corporations including Bacardi-Martini and Lockheed Martin. Ink on his hands While Negroponte, Abrams and Reich were all deeply implicated by an Iran-Contra policy that resulted in serious human right violations, coverage of Reich has been the somewhat more extensive. There are several possible explanations. Unlike Abrams, whose appointment needs no congressional approval, Reich’s State Department post requires Senate confirmation, an opportunity for opposition that gives the story legs. (Negroponte’s post also requires a Senate vote, but as the Senate has already approved him for several ambassadorships since his Honduras post, reporters may have sensed less potential for conflict.) Another key factor in the quality of coverage is the easily accessible postings on Reich by the National Security Archive. In 15 minutes, even the busiest or laziest journalist can download enough damning documentation to satisfy any editor. And not to be discounted in the differential reporting is the propensity of journalists to take more personally activities, like those of the OPD, that tarnish the myth of an independent media. Negroponte and Abrams have blood on their hands. Reich's are mostly smeared with ink. Negroponte and Abrams coddled torturers, protected death squads and helped kill peasants in Central America. Reich messed with the U.S. media. Today Reich’s kind of plotting hardly seems worth the effort--with media resources squandered on titillating gossip, while real muck goes mostly unraked. Terry J. Allen reported from Central America during the 1980s. Her articles have been published in the Boston Globe, In These Times, Salon.com, Harper's and TheNation.com, as well as various international outlets. She can be contacted at tallen@igc.org. |
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“This is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people no longer. It is a government of corporations, by corporations, and for corporations.” President Rutherford B. Hayes 1884
With Hayes in mind it is appropriate to examine the words of another president that warned of something he called "the military-industrial complex." Below are: EXCERPTS from President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s exit speech, also known as the Military-Industrial Complex Speech, 1961 (Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040). My fellow Americans: Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen… A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction… Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well… But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations. This conjunction of an immense
military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American
experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual --
is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal
government. We recognize the imperative need for this development.
Yet
we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources
and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the
councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of
unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military
industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced
power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific
research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be
alert
to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become
the captive of a scientific technological elite. It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield. Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative [yet today it seems the arms race and military expansion are more alive than ever before (see rant archives on U.S. military spending versus the world)]. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight… …As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
Corporate think tanks, PAC's, lobbyists, and mergers continue to corrupt and marginalize the masses and take over America (and the world) with agendas that often become policy thanks to “economic rationalism’s” private sector takeover of all things public. There will never be campaign finance reform and maybe it doesn’t matter. The lobbyists don’t need to wiggle their corporate desires through to the prostitutes on the Hill anymore because now the government is a corporation. What about our representatives? A great number are brave enough to speak out and stand up, but not enough to outnumber the spineless brown-nosers and ass-kissers that are too scared of Bush and his team of war hawks.
Its not that corporations are necessarily bad or evil, though some are, the point being made, which we will expand on later, is that corporations need to get out of Washington (and stay out) and The People need to "take the power back." We The People, need to voice our feelings, run the government and be heard, but are not heard because 'we the common people' do not have the money necessary. In addition, a great number of people are so disgusted with our government that they have lost trust in its accountability, and lost hope in its ability to do anything worthy of their support. The same type that sits back and complains, but does nothing (except pay their taxes).
Politically active corporations and the rich, on the other hand, are heard and their interests are pandered to. They speak up because they want more money and protection for the money they do have. This involves tax shelters, loopholes of all sorts, and of great concern, lax environmental regulations (for example see Bush's environmental backpedaling: www.opensecrets.org/bush/100days/environment.asp ).
It's not that lobbyists, corporations, and the rich are solely at fault. The capitalist system as whole is. A sad fact of capitalism and the free market is the fact that the average person does not advance in income much farther than their parents. We are all caught in the “middle” of the place we came from. There are exceptions to being caught where you are, and there are those that make it up the rat race ladder (or fall off), but this is an exception to the capitalist rule. There are leaders and followers. To paraphrase Michael Parenti, this is not an outcome of a rational system, but a rational outcome of a system that protects the maintenance of itself and the accumulation of wealth for a privileged class. The political and economic system together, impose the necessity of the cheap labor of many going into the pockets of a few in order to maintain the beast and the system itself. The cut throats rule.
As long as the government is a corporate whore, and especially where individual bureaucracies fight for funding to keep growing, things will remain rotten in the states of the "united." It seems the government has been corrupted by the corporate mentality that bigger is better, growing Bigger and Bigger where needed to fuel and protect the maintenance of capitalism: limit controls, manipulate opinions, and suppress dissent. Thus we come closer to Big Brother. If it continues, may it rot and fester until it explodes into oblivion so We The People can "Take The Power Back!"
Checks
and Balances or Writing Checks and Tipping the Scales?
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The Plutocracy:
The charts above are from The Center for Responsive Politics: http://www.opensecrets.org/bush/cabinet.asp
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AND WHAT ABOUT Vice President Dick Cheney--Halliburton? http://www.opensecrets.org/pressreleases/cheney/halliburton.htm A subsidiary of Halliburton Oil is Brown and Root—a nuclear power plant builder. His wife, Lynn, was a former board member of the largest defense contractor in the world: Lockheed Martin. Commerce Secretary Don Evan's Tom Brown Oil is also a subsidiary of Halliburton.
Halliburton is on the list of American oil companies, in-line and waiting, to carve up Iraq's oil reserves, the second largest in the world behind Saudi Arabia. Bush has promised Russia a piece of the carvings if Russia joins the U.S. (or rather Bush) in the war campaign (an audio on this topic will be added soon).
Way to go Bush: Cheney and corporate fraud: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/2119981.stm
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Bush’s investments: Arbusto Oil, Texas—Saudi/Arab owned Carlyle—a holding and investment bank America’s top defense contractor http://www.opensecrets.org/alerts/v6/alertv6_52.asp Home of United Tech and other arms makers In 1999 Bush represented them in Saudi Arabia Past bank holders- the Bin Laden’s
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The info below is from Harper's Magazine and the HARPER'S INDEX: http://www.harpers.org/harpers-index/listing.php3
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Donald Rumsfeld greets his "good friend" Saddam Hussein in Iraq
in
1983, as the Bechtel corporation was lobbying Saddam to allow it to build
an oil pipeline from Iraq to the Gulf of Aqaba via Jordan. The revolving
door between Bechtel Corporation and the Reagan administration cabinet
drove U.S.-Iraq interactions between 1983 and 1985. The men who courted
Saddam while he gassed Iranians are now waging war against him, ostensibly
because he holds weapons of mass destruction. To a man, they now deny that
oil has anything to do with the conflict. Yet during the Reagan
administration, and in the years leading up to the present conflict, these
men shaped and implemented a strategy that has everything to do with
securing Iraqi oil exports.
www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_Rumsfeld
For another photo see Rant Archive 3
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AND HOW STUPID IS BUSH? As stupid does...
"It's
clearly a budget. It's got a lot of numbers in it." The
fact that he relies on facts -- says things that are not factual --are
going to undermine his campaign."
"If you're sick and tired of the politics of cynicism and polls and principles, come and join this campaign." Hilton
Head, S.C., Feb. 16, 2000
created by Winston Smith for Greg Palast
"I
know how hard it is for you to put food on your family."
Want More?: http://www.bushisms.com/index1a.html#List
See the story (and screening dates) behind the thievery of the 2000 United States Presidential Election Coup: www.gregpalast.com/unprecedented.htm
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_____________________________________________________________ Bush
planned Iraq 'regime change' before becoming President
A secret blueprint for US
global domination reveals that President Bush and his cabinet were planning
a premeditated attack on Iraq to secure 'regime change' even before he took
power in January 2001. |
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The
Bush coup d'etat
© 2001 www.WorldNetDaily.com/ In 1932, Franklin Roosevelt was elected promising a 25
percent reduction in the federal budget, an end to deficits and the
restoration of a sound dollar. Within eight years, the federal budget tripled,
federal debt increased 155 percent and the gold standard was repudiated –
making the U.S. dollar a fiat currency. Roosevelt's New Deal transformed America from a unique
country in which everyone could live his life as he saw fit into a welfare
state in which most business was supervised from Washington. No longer was America run by the people – or even by
Congress. Instead, it was now directed by bureaucrats operating in
regulatory agencies like the AAA, FCA, CCC, FCI, SMA, FSA, NLRB, PWA, WPA,
FDIC, FSLIC, SEC, SSA, REA, EHFA – directing when we shall sow and when we
shall reap. Effecting a revolution Why would Americans give up their freedom for a system
that had never worked well in the Old World? They did it because Roosevelt never attacked the
American Way head-on. Instead, 1.
He praised the Constitution, but said it must be updated from
"horse and buggy" days.
The magic words were "recovery" and
"emergency." They justified everything – even though the New
Deal produced no recovery, and there were far better ways to deal with the
emergency. The mess of pottage The writer Garet Garrett called the New Deal "The
People's Pottage." Esau had traded his birthright for a mess of
pottage. And now the American people had traded their birthright – the
freest nation the world had ever known – for a mess of pottage. And what did that pottage consist of? In 1940, the unemployment rate was still 15 percent,
the Depression was still severe and Roosevelt was maneuvering America into
war to distract attention from the New Deal's failures. The Bush revolution In 2000, George Bush won the presidency promising
"limited government," reading the Constitution literally, and
rejecting the concept of "nation-building" – the practice of
imposing pro-American governments on foreign nations. But, once in office, he produced a federal budget
limited by nothing. And now he's making the Constitution an instrument of
his own power – even as he imposes a new government on Afghanistan. The last of the Bill of Rights The Roosevelt coup d'etat destroyed the Ninth and 10th
amendments – the ones limiting the government's functions. The First and Second Amendments remained in form –
although the Supreme Court now decides when they can be overruled by the
government's "compelling interest." Amendments 3 through 8 have survived, although
considerably battered. But now, the Bush coup d'etat is aimed at erasing
these last restrictions on government power. Bush wants to decide when people can have a jury
trial, be safe from cruel and unusual punishment, be secure against
unreasonable searches and seizures and able to confront their accusers. When the Bush New Deal is completed, the Bill of
Rights will survive in name only. And you will live and breathe only by the
sufferance of the all-mighty government. Your fate will be in the hands of
people like George Bush, Hillary Clinton, Al Gore, Teddy Kennedy and Strom
Thurmond. Of course, George Bush is doing this to save America. But what is America if there's no individual liberty? Effecting revolution II Like Roosevelt, George Bush isn't attacking the
Constitution and the American way head-on. Instead, 1.
He claims to want to preserve the Constitution, but says we must put
security first.
The magic words are "security" and
"emergency." They justify everything – even though Bush is
increasing the world domination that made us vulnerable to terrorism in the
first place. If George Bush were a Democrat, many conservatives
would be fighting him to the death. But too many conservatives have
abandoned their principles and begun deciding right and wrong on the basis
of party labels. More pottage We, too, are trading the last remnants of America for
a mess of pottage. The War on Terrorism has no more chance to succeed
than the New Deal, the War on Drugs, the War on Poverty, or the War on
Illiteracy. The first revolution for big government was effected
by a man who railed against big government and said he wanted to save
capitalism. The second revolution is being engineered by a man who claims to
be for limited government and the preservation of freedom. Even as he seeks to destroy the last vestiges of a free America. |
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